The book "Greece Upside Down" by Sotiris Chatzigakis does not analyze the economic crisis in a one-dimensional way, as a purely negative phenomenon of the Greek political system, but approaches the issue in depth through a global prism, the dimensions of which are not only economic and political but also social and historical. It is the product of extensive research. Significant effort has been made to ensure that it is well-documented (including over 700 footnotes and references). The author, despite being a politician belonging to the center-right (New Democracy) and having served his country for about four decades in positions of responsibility, has tried to stand objectively and soberly in the face of events and developments. He is even justified in the positions and views he expressed at an unexpected time.

As S. Chatzigakis emphasizes, we are in the era of so-called "post-politics" (or "post-democracy"). This phenomenon displaces politics, fundamentally overturning characteristics of democracy, resulting in people feeling "less like citizens and more like consumers." This foggy landscape is characterized by a deficit of thought, political emptiness, the glorification of image and communication, and the de-ideologized political discourse, and is one of the main causes of the deep crisis that currently affects the world.

On the other hand, as noted in Sotiris Chatzigakis' book, the reasons that made the Greek crisis so intense are many and longstanding. Taking a brief look at Greek history, the author identified some sources of the longstanding weaknesses of the Greek state, economy, and society - causes that prevented it from having the same progress as other Western countries.

Specifically, until the Metapolitefsi (the period following the fall of the military junta in Greece), the Greek state experienced few peaceful periods and breaks in political calm. Even in periods of economic development such as the post-war period, "domestic factors and the Cold War prevented significant progress not only in terms of the economy and democratic management but also in the liberalization of public life," the author emphasizes.

The most serious failure of all Greek governments was that they were unable to create a modern, effective, and functional state which, in addition to providing good services and a sense of security to citizens, would also contribute to strengthening the economy and could curb the growth of clientelism. However, the weaknesses of the Greek state were decisive in preventing the creation of a real civil society that would contribute, among other things, to a positive outcome of the economic crisis.

When it became apparent that the global crisis would also affect Greece and while one would expect national consensus to be self-evident, George Papandreou rejected any proposal for consensus from the then Karamanlis government for the adoption and implementation of necessary measures to protect the Greek economy.

Until that moment, the Karamanlis government had taken measures three times (in a period when the adoption of such measures was followed by a storm of reactions) to adjust the Greek economy to the new data.

Sotiris Chatzigakis, as an experienced politician, believes that there is an alternative proposal. According to the neo-Keynesian theory, which he adopts, a deep economic recession, like the current one, cannot be addressed with horizontal cuts in wages and pensions and an increase in taxation. It can only be halted with a serious and prudent Keynesian policy of rekindling economic activity, by boosting demand and promoting primarily public investments aimed at stimulating the private sector, and supporting private initiative that will allow for an increase in the rate of growth and the creation of new jobs.

The author admits, of course, that it is not enough (and it is not possible) for Greece to follow the Keynesian path of mild liberalism alone. Therefore, primarily, Europe itself should adopt a different policy model. However, the EU is currently following the opposite path, and thus the European dream has been buried under numbers and fiscal rules. Europe has been trapped in a web of extreme national strategies and has compromised with a tasteless, incomplete union that does not deliver what is expected to its citizens and no longer moves anyone.

Furthermore, the refugee flow, this human tragedy, has revived a xenophobia that Europe had forgotten and which today fuels hatred and national racism - a situation that the far right exploits, as the author rightly emphasizes.

Ultimately, this book by Sotiris Chatzigakis could be characterized as a bold and sincere manifesto that answers "out loud" to big and small questions, such as: what is the current crisis? Is it teleological and deterministic? Is it purely a Greek phenomenon or is it systemic and global? Did its root causes emerge recently or do they date back to the perennially vulnerable Greek society? Were the prescriptions given to address it appropriate or should there have been another, alternative path? And also: what are the responsibilities of Greek politics, our elites, and our people themselves? And finally: is there a way out? And what is it?

This text moves ideologically in a new ideological space, that of the "anti-establishment center," and is addressed to the reader's logic and not to their emotions, while a strong skepticism permeates its pages. Nevertheless, its language is penetrating like a "sword" and does not spare anyone. One of the main tools it uses is historical knowledge through which it attempts to detect the real truth.

This book was written by an experienced politician of the "center ground" who was driven to write it, carrying out an inner command: "If someone doesn't want to be blamed for murder, they must find the murderer themselves." Because today, whoever becomes a "murderer" in the "neighborhood," the one who lives nearby is considered responsible!